The Valley laid waste

Gen. Early’s loss at Third Winchester opened the Shenandoah Valley to Union destruction and Gen. Sheridan lost no time in dispatching his troops south to lay waste the land and the harvest Early’s troops had been protecting.

Sheridan reported setting ablaze more than 70 mills and 2,000 barns from Staunton in the south about 60 miles north to Strasburg, in what became known to Valley natives as the “Burning,” or “Red October.” The skies were dark with smoke.

It was federal policy to destroy all subsistence, all animal forage, and all farming implements. Only dwellings were to be spared, though, inevitably, some were burned. The roads were clogged with refugees.

“Carry off stock of all descriptions, and negroes, so as to prevent further planting,” Gen. Grant reiterated to Sheridan, according to independent historian Shelby Foote. “If this war is to last another year we want the Shenandoah Valley to remain a barren waste.”

Kershaw’s Division, including the 13th Regiment, had returned from Gordonsville too late to participate in Early’s third loss to Sheridan on Sept. 21, at Fisher’s Hill, southwest of Strasburg.

The 13th regiment was well south of there, more than 65 miles away, at Port Republic, about 15 miles northeast of Staunton. But Early’s troops soon had retreated to Staunton and the 13th was subsequently involved with them in skirmishes with the Yankees near Rockfish Gap and Brown’s Gap.

Gen. Lee encouraged Early to keep trying to drive Sheridan from the Valley. In an October 12 letter, Lee told Early: “You had better move against him and endeavor to crush him. … I do not think Sheridan’s infantry or cavalry numerically as large as you suppose.”

The Yankees nevertheless outnumbered Early’s army by almost 2 to 1. Yet he was determined to avenge the Valley’s destruction and his own reputation. He would soon get his chance.

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Return (almost) to General Lee

A little more than a week after their costly fight at Berryville, Kershaw’s Division, including the 13th Regiment, was ordered back to Richmond where Gen. George G. Meade’s troops were threatening the capital city.

“On the night of [September] 15th,” General Phillip Sheridan reported, “I received reliable information that Kershaw’s Division was moving through Winchester and in the direction of Front Royal.”

The news excited Sheridan because he saw an opportunity to destroy Early’s suddenly under-strength army. Indeed, General Grant, visiting Sheridan’s headquarters near Harper’s Ferry that Friday night, later wrote in his memoirs that he found Sheridan “express[ing] such confidence of success, that I saw there were but two words of instruction necessary—Go in!”

The 13th Regiment and the rest of the Mississippi Brigade thus missed the major battle they were sent west to fight. Fate probably saved many a Mississippian, because Sheridan’s enthusiasm was fully warranted.

What was later dubbed Third Winchester by the Rebels (Opequon Creek by the Yankees) began at dawn on Tuesday, Sept. 19, and was “a most sanguinary and bloody battle,” Grant wrote in his post-war memoirs, “lasting until five o’clock in the evening defeat[ing Early] with heavy loss, carrying his entire position from Opequon Creek to Winchester, capturing several thousand prisoners and five pieces of artillery.”

Two Rebel generals were killed, including Robert Rodes who had been in every major battle since First Manassas, and four more were wounded. One Union general was killed and three were wounded. Some historians consider the fight the most important of the Valley campaign. Federal reports counted more than 5,000 Union casualties and just under 4,000 Confederates.

Kerhsaw’s Division, meanwhile, had got as far east as Gordonsville when news of Early’s defeat reached them. The pressure from Meade apparently relenting, Kershaw was immediately ordered back to the Valley to reinforce what was left of Early’s army.

His weary troops—including the increasingly ragged and barefoot 13th Regiment— turned about and headed back to Winchester.

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One of the Immortal Six Hundred

While the 13th regiment was in the Shenandoah Valley, on Sept. 7, 1864, Third Lieutenant Absalom H. Farrar of the Kemper Legion arrived at Morris Island in the harbor opposite Charleston, SC. He was to become one of what the Southern newspapers of the day called “The Immortal Six Hundred.”

They were Confederate officers, prisoners of war, who were held as human shields on the island at the mouth of the harbor, in federal retaliation for 50 Union officers similarly held inside the South Carolina city.

The Union officers were supposed to be proof against Union bombardment of civilians in Charleston, while the “Immortal Six Hundred,” were supposed to block the fire of Rebel artillery in Fort Sumter upon Union positions near Fort Wagner and elsewhere.

Farrar had been captured at Gettysburg. He was left in a field hospital with a severe gunshot wound in his foot when the army retreated. He had enlisted as a private in 1861 and was promoted to first sergeant in 1862. A year later, he was a third lieutenant. He was a 24-year-old single farmer from Gainesville near Grenada when he enlisted, according to independent historian Jess McLean.

Like the other Six Hundred, Farrar had arrived at Morris Island on the federal prison ship Crescent from their POW camp at Fort Delaware. At Morris Island they were guarded by the subsequently-famous 54th Massachusetts (Colored) Regiment, subject of the Hollywood movie Glory.

The daily Morris Island menu for the POWs, according to the postwar memoir The Prison Life of Major Lamar Fontaine, consisted of 4 worm-eaten hardtack crackers for breakfast, a half-pint of watery and sandy pea soup for dinner and “all the ocean air they could inhale” for supper. Later, Fontaine wrote, their fare changed to rotten corn meal and pickle rations.

When their political and military usefulness was done, the Six Hundred were transferred from Morris Island to Savannah, and then to Hilton Head Island, and finally shipped back to Fort Delaware.

Farrar was exchanged in December, 1864, according to federal records, but apparently did not return to the 13th Regiment.  There are several conflicting entries on Google suggesting he may have been in poor health, died in 1865 and was buried in Augusta, Georgia.

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Battles: Berryville

History has dismissed the Battle of Berryville, Sept 3-4, 1864, as a minor engagement. But it was major enough for the diminished 13th Regiment and the rest of the Mississippi Brigade.

The federals under Gen. Phillip Sheridan were moving south into the Shenandoah Valley—taking scorched-earth orders into the Rebel breadbasket—with long lines of marching infantry and cavalry armed with new repeating semiautomatic, magazine-fed carbines.

Gen. Early decided to attack them before they got south of Berryville. From Winchester, he threw some of his forces east across the Opequon Creek towards Berryville on September 3.

Kershaw’s Division was in the advance.

“…but this division, not expecting infantry, blundered onto [Gen. George] Crook’s lines about dark,” Gen. Sheridan later wrote in a report to chief of staff Henry Halleck in Washington City. Kershaw’s soldiers were “vigorously attacked and driven, with heavy loss, back towards the Opequon.”

Crook’s troops were mostly native Ohioans like himself, but also some Pennsylvanians and New Yorkers. They composed what had once been called the Army of West Virginia. Now, under Sheridan in the Valley Campaign, it was sometimes referred to as the 8th Corps.

Gen. Early brought up most of the rest of his army in support of Kershaw but found the Yankees too strongly entrenched to dislodge. By this stage of the war, digging-in on defense was the norm.

“This engagement,” Sheridan continued, “which was after night-fall was very spirited and our own and the enemy’s casualties severe….[Kershaw] was handsomely repulsed, with a loss of 50 prisoners and over 200 killed and wounded.”

Almost half of Sheridan’s prisoners apparently were from the 13th Regiment, which, according to my analysis of documents gathered by independent historian Jess McLean, lost 23 captured. The 13th also had 7 killed and 14 wounded, for a total loss of 44—or about 22 percent of their estimated 200 soldiers.

Worse, for the brigade, was the loss of their commander, General Benjamin Grubb Humphreys. He was disabled when a Yankee bullet burrowed a line across his chest, costing him blood and considerable pain. He was out of action and, soon, went home to Mississippi, out of the war for good.

“We had quite a hard fight up here,” Third Sergeant Wilborn P. Smith of the Pettus Guards wrote his sister a few days later, according to McLean. “Our general was seriously wounded.

“We have had some very disagreeable weather, cold and rainy. If we stay here we’ll suffer a good deal as it was very warm when we started on the march up, so all dispersed [sic] with everything except what was absolutely necessary in warm weather. I threw away my coat but now feel the need of it. Quite a few of our men are now barefooted, and we will be ragged if we stay up here long.”

Major George Bruce Gerald, 28 and married, who was a Yazoo City lawyer before the war and was now commanding the 18th Regiment, took command of the brigade from the wounded Humphreys.

Gerald had previously distinguished himself, in a manner of speaking, by challenging former division commander Gen. Lafayette McLaws to a duel. McLaws had declined to accept the challenge, saying that he had only angered Gerald in the performance of his, McLaws’s, duty and he didn’t consider himself personally responsible for his official acts.

All four regiments of what had once been Barksdale’s and then Humphreys’, and was now Gerald’s Mississippi Brigade, withdrew west of Opequon Creek. Little more than a week later, Sergeant Smith would get his wish to leave the Valley.

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Skirmishing around Wincester

This late in the war, Confederate records are sparse, and details few, but the 13th regiment seems to have missed the Aug. 16, 1864, fight at Guard Hill near Front Royal.

There, Wofford’s Brigade of Georgians was surprised by Union cavalry while crossing the Shenandoah River along with the rest of Kershaw’s Division, including Humphreys’ much-diminished Mississippi Brigade. The Georgians lost some 300 prisoners, in those days about the size of a reinforced regiment.

According to federal reports, the Mississippi Brigade numbered about 800 men, less than the size of one early-war regiment. The 13th counted roughly 200 of them, only about 20 percent of its size at the start.

On Aug. 17, the 13th went into camp at Opequon Creek, on the Front Royal and Milwood roads, but they didn’t stay long. They were soon engaged in skirmishing with some of Gen. Phillip Sheridan’s Union troops, including cavalry, They joined Gen. Jubal Early’s units in driving the Union soldiers northeast to Harper’s Ferry. They advanced as far as Charles Town and then fell back southwest to Winchester.

“A fine day,” Early’s engineer Captain Jed Hotchkiss wrote of Aug. 19, a Friday, in his daily journal which is in the Official Records. “Slight showers. Cool evening.”

Two days later, they were driving the enemy to the vicinity of Charles Town, with Kershaw’s Division, including the 13th, moving northeast on the Winchester Road. By Monday, the 22nd, they were quite close to Charles Town, Hotchkiss wrote. According to him, they skirmished all week in the vicinity and, on Friday, Kershaw’s Division had a more concentrated, though brief, fight in the afternoon. And so it went, off and on, for the next week, with casualties on both sides.

By Aug. 31, a Wednesday, the 13th was back near Winchester, where, two days later, Hotchkiss wrote, “Dispatches came in the morning stating that the enemy was moving toward Berryville in force.”

On Saturday, Kershaw’s division moved there too, across the Opequon east of Winchester. By Sunday they were in line of battle outside Berryville, at the western foot of the Blue Ridge Mountains, anticipating a major engagement.

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A new, romantic view of General Barksdale

This is, by far, the most romantic idealization of Gen. William Barksdale that I’ve ever seen. Especially because of his hair, which here looks quite full on top.

He was well-known, however, to be a bald man who wore a toupee when he was in Congress, though he presumably dispensed with it on the battlefield. It’s curious that painters, like romantic novelists generally, need a full head of hair on their heroic subjects for them to be sufficiently inspired.

Most descriptions of Barksdale have his hair, indeed, shoulder-length on the sides, as it is shown here, and flowing back, as in the charge at Gettysburg, where Captain G.B. Lamar later wrote, it looked from a distance like “the white-plume of Navarre,” a reference to King Henry IV of Navarre in Thomas Babington Macaulay’s then-popular 1857 poem Ivry.

A pre-war newspaper editor, Lieutenant George G. Benedict of the 12th Vermont Regiment, wrote in a letter included in his 1895 book Army Life in Virginia, that he recognized the dead Barksdale at a Union aid station on Cemetery Ridge from having seen him before on the floor of the U.S. House of Representatives in the 1850s.

Barksdale’s “bald head and broad face, with open, unblinking eyes, lay uncovered in the sunshine,” Benedict wrote. “There he lay alone, without a comrade to brush the flies from his corpse.”

Thus, the histories generally agree that Barksdale was quite bald on the top of his head, front and back.

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The Journey: Dispatched to the Shenandoah Valley

From John Beauchamp Jones’ famous Rebel War Clerk’s Diary:

“August 7th.[1864]—Hot and dry; but heavy rains in other parts of the State. The 1st Army Corps moved through the city [Richmond] last night, via the Central and Fredericksburg Railroads…All this indicates a transference of the scene of operations nearer the enemy’s country…”

Five days later, Jones added: “I saw a soldier to-day from Gen. [Jubal] Early’s army near Martinsburg…He left it day before yesterday, 10th inst. He says Kershaw’s division was at Culpepper [sic] C.H., 50 miles from Early…Detachments of troops are daily passing through the city, northward.”

General Lee had ordered General Anderson of the First Corps and Kershaw’s Division, including the 13th Regiment, to the Shenandoah Valley. They were to reinforce General Early’s corps which was fighting Union infantry and cavalry under General Phillip Sheridan over control of the Confederacy’s Virginia breadbasket. Sheridan’s troops were confiscating crops and burning them.

“As we marched forward,” First Corps staff officer G. Moxley Sorrel would recall after the war, “the enemy slowly retiring, smoke was seen ahead on a wide range from the burning barns and granaries of the non-combatant people.”

Kershaw’s Division rode the train from Richmond to Charlottesville, marched north along the east side of the mountains to Culpeper Court House and thence northwest through Snicker’s Gap to Front Royal.

Then they marched on to Winchester, finally going into camp on Thursday, August 18, at the nearby Opequon Creek, which flowed northeast into the Potomac River.

The 13th had camped on the Opequon after the Battle of Sharpsburg, back in October, 1862, and though the water had been quite cold then for bathing and washing clothes, it was probably somewhat warmer now in the late summer heat.

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Battles: First Deep Bottom

On Saturday, the 23rd of July, Kershaw’s Division and the 13th Regiment were called out of the Petersburg trenches by General Lee.

They left at 6:30 a.m., according to the First Corps Diary in the Official Records, and may have marched north, across the pontoon bridge spanning the James River at Chaffin’s Bluff, or taken the train to Richmond and marched east on the New Market Road.

Lee had offered them the train but the available record isn’t clear about what they chose to do. They probably did ride somewhere close to Chaffin’s Bluff, though, because the diary says that was their immediate destination and they were in a hurry to help Lee contain what appeared to be a developing Union attack on Richmond.

They didn’t know they were playing into a Union feint to weaken the Petersburg lines for an attack near their old trenches at the Elliot Salient which would become known as the Union disaster of the Battle of the Crater.

Kershaw’s ultimate destination was northeast of Chaffin’s Bluff, in the vicinity of the 13th’s old battlegrounds during the Seven Days battles of 1862—terrain along and northeast of the New Market Road near Glendale. Kershaw had been ordered to drive the Union force there back to the James River and, if possible, destroy their pontoon bridges.

“I expect to employ all my troops in these operations,” Kershaw wrote Gen. R.S. Ewell, who was commanding the Confederate lines east of Richmond, on Sunday evening, July 24.

They would be fighting the mainly New York, Pennsylvania and Massachusetts troops of Gen. Winfield Scott Hancock’s  Second Corps which had advanced across a pontoon bridge from Deep Bottom, a horseshoe bend of the James River. Hancock was aided by two divisions of Gen. Phillip Sheridan’s cavalry which Gen. Grant hoped might break through the Confederate defenses and ride north around Richmond.

“The plan, in the main,” Grant wrote in his post-war memoirs, “was to let the cavalry cut loose and, joining with Kautz’s cavalry of the Army of the James, get by Lee’s lines and destroy as much as they could of the Virginia Central Railroad, while, in the meantime, the infantry was to move out so as to protect their rear and cover their retreat back when they should have got through with their work.”

The fight opened on Wednesday, July 27, when infantry of the Second Corps moving north from the pontoon bridge overran Kershaw’s rifle pits along a hill overlooking the New Market Road.

They also captured four pieces of artillery, 20-pounder Parrott guns of the Rockbridge Artillery which had previously been captured from the Union at Winchester and Harper’s Ferry. Hancock finally took up position across Bailey’s Run, on Long Bridge Road where it met the Darbytown Road on the east and the New Market Road on the west. He decided he was up against a formidable Confederate force well dug-in.

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Humphreys Brigade and the13th Regiment on the move

The following are from the Official Records.

July 23, 1864—5.30 a. m.

Lieutenant-General Anderson :

General : General Lee directs that Major-General Kershaw, with
his division, proceed at once to Chaffin’s Bluff, on the north side of
James River. He will cross at the [pontoon] bridge at Chaffin’s. Let him send a staff officer to Colonel Corley to see if any troops can be carried by rail. Colonel Corley has been directed to make arrangements for this if practicable. Let there be no unnecessary delay.

Respectfully,
W. H. TAYLOR,
Assistant Adjutant-General.

[General Lee]  says let the troops move by a route so as not to be
observed by the enemy, and as rapidly as possible without injury to them.
W. H. T

Hdqrs. Dept. of Virginia and North Carolina

In the Field, July 25, 1864.

Lieut. Gen. U. S. Grant, City Point:

The following dispatch has just been received from General Foster
at Deep Bottom:

Two prisoners just captured from Humphreys’ (Mississippi) brigade, of Kershaw’s, formerly McLaws’, division, report their division came to this place Saturday night (July 23).

It consists of two Georgia brigades, one South Carolina brigade, and one Mississippi brigade, thus making seven brigades in my front. I have stirred them up, if nothing more. They came from Petersburg, they say, A. P. Hill having relieved Kershaw today of command of all the forces here.

G. WEITZEL,
Brigadier- General,
(Copy for General Meade.)

Headquarters Tenth Army Corps,
July 25, 1864.
General Weitzel, Chief of Staff:

General Foster has captured an orderly of Captain Cochran, Seventeenth Mississippi, who reports two Mississippi regiments advancing toward my pickets on the lower side of Four-Mile Creek. I have strengthened the line. A telegram just received reports heavy firing on picket-line below Four-Mile Creek.

D. B. BIRNEY,
Major-General.

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In the trenches at Petersburg

The 13th Regiment, along with the rest of Kershaw’s Division of Anderson’s First Corps, occupied the right-hand half of the Confederate trenches at Petersburg from late June through late July.

According to the First Corps Diary in the Official Records, the division was called out several times to protect the Weldon Railroad, Richmond’s southern lifeline, against Federal raids by Gen. Phillip Sheridan’s cavalry and attacks by the Union Sixth Corps, and on one occasion to protect some arriving trains laden with corn.

There was much sharpshooting on both sides and occasional artillery exchanges across the several hundred yards of neutral ground between the opposing trenches, and some men of the 13th Regiment inevitably were wounded or killed.

“The hostile disposition animating both sides,” First Corps artillery chief Porter Alexander wrote after the war, “seemed, if possible, even aggravated. The daily entry in my note book for six days—from [June] 19th to the 24th, was “Severe sharpshooting and artillery practise, without intermission, day or night.”

Improving the trenches also was a constant activity until, Alexander continued, “We soon got our lines at most places in such shape that we did not fear any assault… We could see that the Federals, too, were working like beavers, & every morning there appeared fresh piles & lines of red dirt thrown up during the night all along their front.”

First Corps staff officer Moxley Sorrel wrote after the war:  ”Salients, traverses, bastions, forts, trenches, covered ways, parallel[s], zig-zags, and all the other devices for the taking and defense of fortified cities, were resorted to.”

“The sight of hundreds of Yankees is a common sight,” Private Jerome Bonaparte Yates of the 16th Mississippi in Ewell’s Corps wrote his sister on July 19. “There is hardly a minute in the day or night without a cannon is firing on the line somewhere. The lines are as near as two hundred yards in some places. In our front they are one thousand yards apart. They are on one side of a field and we are on the other. We go on picket duty every seventh day…Firing has been agreed to by all parties as a senseless waste of ammunition, and we boldly stand and look each other in the face from daylight until night, then listen for each other to advance…The boys deal considerable with them for various little articles such as coffee, knives, pipes, writing paper and envelopes.”

But the informal truce didn’t last and “all parties” were soon shooting at each other again. Indeed, the much-diminished 13th regiment (which by then numbered only about 200 men) would suffer 17 casualties by July 25, according to independent historian Jess N. McLean.

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